{"id":32871,"date":"2016-09-26T05:00:14","date_gmt":"2016-09-26T08:00:14","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.rioonwatch.org\/?p=32871"},"modified":"2016-12-10T10:37:10","modified_gmt":"2016-12-10T13:37:10","slug":"backgrounder-demystifying-brazils-web-of-political-parties-reference","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/?p=32871","title":{"rendered":"Backgrounder: Demystifying Brazil’s Web of Political Parties [REFERENCE]"},"content":{"rendered":"

Clique aqui para Portugu\u00eas\"\"<\/em><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

When following the news of political tumult coming out of Bras\u00edlia this year, many international observers have likely found themselves struggling to wade through a sea of acronyms. This is because Brazil\u2019s political system is characterized by a large number of political parties\u201335 in total, more than double the number of any other country\u2013that are forced to form a constantly-changing maze of alliances and coalitions in order to govern.<\/span><\/p>\n

In this article we aim to analyze how this extreme version of a multi-party system arose out of the Constitution of 1988<\/a>, how it has impacted this year\u2019s political unrest<\/a> and what it means for the nation going forward. <\/span><\/p>\n

How Brazil’s political\u00a0parties\u00a0emerged<\/b><\/h3>\n

Some prominent parties present in today\u2019s government date back to before the constitution, such as the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB), whose forebear, the (Brazilian Democratic Movement)\u00a0MDB\u00a0originally arose in 1965 to oppose the military dictatorship<\/a>. Many more sprung out of differing ideologies, and others were formed based on regional criteria.<\/span><\/p>\n

High levels of dissidence can be said to have contributed to the number of parties that emerged post-dictatorship, as politicians felt that the coalition-based federal system meant their party\u2019s view was not being heard by those with greater numbers and more power. <\/span><\/p>\n

Other parties have initially formed purely out of unique cases of political strategy: for example, the Republican Party for Social Order (PROS) was founded in 2010 by Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) politicians Cid and Ciro Gomes<\/a> so that they could protect Cid\u2019s seat as governor of Cear\u00e1 and avoid it going to Dilma supporter Eduardo Campos, of the PSB.<\/span><\/p>\n

Still others were borne out of a primary\u00a0ideological issue. The Green Party<\/a> (PV)\u00a0was established by environmentalists in 1986 in an attempt to promote environmental issues and policies related to sustainable development. In 2013, Marina Silva\u2014former Senator from the state of Acre and Environment Minister under Lula as a member of the\u00a0PT, and third place presidential contender in the past two federal elections (by the PV and PSB)\u2014founded the Sustainability Network<\/a> (REDE), another environmentally-focused party currently aligned with the PSB.<\/p>\n

The nature of the coalition-based system often leads to political stagnation and inefficiency. Because the coalitions involve parties from across the aisle and are constantly forming and dissolving, they tend to lack the coherent ideological agenda necessary to make strong policy proposals. Likewise, individual members often switch parties or vote against their own party’s interests with little recourse.<\/p>\n

Confusions and curiosities<\/b><\/h3>\n

If perennially evolving coalitions and ideologically wobbly individuals aren’t enough, confounding nomenclature can also be a significant impediment to keeping up with the goings-on in Bras\u00edlia.<\/span><\/p>\n

For instance, the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) holds what by global standards would be considered center-left views but the similarly-named Social Democrat Party (PSD) is center-right. The Progressive Party (PP) is in fact anything but progressive\u2013rather a hotbed for conservative firebrands and anti-left nationalists like\u00a0controversial congressman Jair Bolsonaro<\/a>. In a twist of dark comedy almost too good to be true<\/a>, the Party of the Brazilian Woman (PMB) stands firmly against abortion and 90% of its\u00a0current\u00a0representatives\u00a0in Congress are\u00a0men.<\/span><\/p>\n

In name alone, four different parties mention the republic or republicanism, six mention democracy, and a whopping nine\u2013from all sides of the political spectrum\u2013reference either workers or labor.<\/span><\/p>\n

In light of all of this ideological flexibility, it should not come as too much of a surprise that the largest party of all\u2013interim President Michel Temer\u2019s Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB)\u2013is widely acknowledged for not having any defined ideology at all<\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"PSDB.<\/a><\/p>\n

The most influential parties in Bras\u00edlia<\/b><\/h3>\n

PT<\/a>: <\/b>Perhaps the most influential party over the past two decades, Brazil\u2019s Workers’ Party<\/a> (<\/span>PT<\/span>) was born out of resistance and opposition to the military dictatorship and governed the country at the federal level from 2003 until last month under first\u00a0Luiz In\u00e1cio Lula da Silva (Lula)<\/a> and then Dilma Rousseff<\/a>. As one of the largest-scale left-wing movements in Latin America, the PT holds a strong voter base in the North and Northeast regions as well as many major cities in the South and has been associated with social welfare policies which have significantly reduced inequality<\/a>\u00a0in the country.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"The<\/a><\/p>\n

PMDB<\/a>: <\/b>By official membership, the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party<\/a> (PMDB)<\/span>\u00a0is the largest of Brazil\u2019s 35 parties and holds the most seats in both the chamber of deputies and the senate. It emerged\u00a0in 1979\u00a0as a party opposing the military dictatorship, but exists today without a cohesive ideology<\/a> and now consists of members from vastly different ends of the political spectrum. In many recent elections, the party has not run its own presidential candidate, instead focusing on gaining ground in congressional races. Long an ally of the PT, the PMDB split from the ruling coalition in March in a move signifying their support for the impeachment<\/a> proceedings against Dilma Rousseff. When Michel Temer officially took office on August 31, he became the first PMDB president since Jos\u00e9 Sarney<\/a>, who held office from as Brazil transitioned to democracy from 1985 to 1990. Neither was elected democratically.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"Temer<\/a><\/p>\n

PSDB<\/a>: <\/b>While long seen as a direct rival to the PT, the Brazilian Social Democracy Party<\/a>\u00a0(<\/span>PSDB<\/span>) actually developed out of a similar anti-dictatorship, leftist opposition movement in the mid-1980s. While democratic socialists at the time split to join the PT, social democrats founded the PSDB. That said, the party never affiliated itself with international social democratic institutions or trade unions, as social democratic parties elsewhere tend to do. It is today the third largest party in congress and\u00a0held the presidency for eight years prior to the PT under sociologist scholar\u00a0Fernando Henrique Cardoso<\/a> from 1995 to 2003. Cardoso was associated both with the beginning of agrarian reform, human rights, and inequality reducing policies, and\u00a0the deepening of privatization and sale of public capital. The party has since then\u00a0taken a turn further to the right and is among those most convicted of corruption<\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

PP<\/a>: <\/b>Founded in 1995, Brazil\u2019s Progressive Party<\/a> (PP)<\/span>\u00a0is in reality one of its most conservative. Holding 47 seats in the chamber of deputies and six in the senate, it is the country\u2019s fourth largest party. The PP embraces a neoliberal economic doctrine and certain factions support populist movements. Some of its most prominent members are highly controversial figures embattled by enduring corruption accusations, such as long-time S\u00e3o Paulo Governor Paulo Maluf and right-wing congressman Jair Bolsonaro. Despite all this, the party was aligned for years with Lula\u2019s Worker\u2019s Party on most non-economic issues but more recently split to support this year\u2019s impeachment proceedings.<\/span><\/p>\n

PDT<\/b><\/a>: The Democratic Labor\u00a0Party<\/a> (PDT)\u00a0was founded\u00a0in June 1979 by Leonel Brizola<\/a>–twice elected governor of Rio and associated with pro-favela policies–and\u00a0members of the labor\u00a0party descending from the Brazilian Workers’ Party\u00a0(PTB) founded by Get\u00falio Vargas and outcast by the military coup of 1964. However, a legal maneuver\u00a0by the dictatorship gave the group’s traditional initials to a different group of conservative politicians aligned to the dominating classes. The party has since begun a new chapter by adopting the initials PDT. The PDT was the first party of Dilma Rousseff prior to her joining the PT.<\/span><\/p>\n

Recent events<\/b><\/h3>\n

Coalitions between parties are vital to Brazilian democracy: for any decisions\u00a0to be made, the president must first seek approval from Congress, which houses representatives of almost all of the 35 parties. The most efficient way for the president to pass any new legislation is therefore for parties to form coalitions.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lula granted the PMDB control over the ministries of communications, energy and mines, and social security in 2004 as part of the coalition agreements. However, upon reelection in 2006, Lula did not reintegrate these ministries, leaving the PMDB with only six ministries. Although smaller power struggles continued, the coalition between the PT and the PMDB remained civil until Dilma Rousseff\u2019s reelection as president in 2014. Despite the PMDB announcing its support, 40.8% of PMDB representatives voted against reelecting her because they didn\u2019t feel that her\u00a0administration\u00a0listened to them.<\/span><\/p>\n

Struggles for power and representation have continued ever since, transforming growing animosity between the parties into a deep division. But the PMDB gained unprecedented\u00a0representation in the form of Eduardo Cunha<\/a>, Speaker of the House, the instigator\u00a0of Rousseff\u2019s impeachment. With Cunha leading the charge, the PMDB withdrew its support<\/a> for the PT in March 2016. PSDB senators had already spoken about “working together” with the PMDB<\/a>, and PP followed suit<\/a>, announcing it was no longer aligned with PT in April 2016. Cunha, however, was expelled from office earlier this month<\/a> amid corruption charges.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\"Protesters<\/a><\/p>\n

How influential are Bras\u00edlia\u2019s big party players in Rio\u2019s 2016 mayoral elections?<\/b><\/h3>\n

Of the 11 candidates in the running for the coveted seat of mayor of Rio de Janeiro<\/a> in the October 2, 2016 elections<\/a>, the only major parties represented are the PMDB and PSDB. The position is currently held by PMDB\u2019s Eduardo Paes<\/a>, who has been mayor of Rio\u00a0since 2009 following a political career that has included\u00a0switches between PMDB, PSDB and the rightwing Liberal Front Party<\/a> (PFL)<\/span>. Paes\u2019 chosen successor is PMDB\u2019s Pedro Paulo Teixeira Carvalho<\/a>, and he\u2019s been putting significant work into<\/a> getting other parties and potential candidates to endorse Pedro Paulo as well. <\/span>PSDB hopeful Carlos Os\u00f3rio<\/a> who also worked in the Paes administration as Transport Secretary had also pledged allegiance to PMDB until February 2016, when he switched to PSDB<\/a>\u00a0in order to run for\u00a0mayor. However, both are polling low in this year’s municipal elections, with\u00a0Pedro\u00a0Paulo at 6% and Os\u00f3rio at 4%.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The most popular candidate in the first round of\u00a0the race for Rio\u2019s mayor is Marcelo Crivella<\/a> from the\u00a0<\/span>Brazilian Republican Party<\/a> (PRB), a party that essentially exists as a base for bishops of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God to run for office. According to an Ibope poll released on September 23<\/a>, Crivella holds 27% of the vote, which is 15% more than second most popular candidate Marcelo Freixo<\/a> of the left-wing Socialism and Freedom Party<\/a> (PSOL), formed by members expelled from the PT and others who left by choice as the PT\u00a0formed alliances with polemic right-wing politicians. The PSOL\u00a0is the only party present in the Congress which does\u00a0not receive money from large corporations\u00a0and was the first to become a party through a massive signature campaign.<\/span><\/p>\n

Since the 1980s, Rio’s leadership has been shuttled between the PMDB, PDT and PFL, with the exception of\u00a0a brief stint with the\u00a0Democrats Party<\/a> (DEM), Brazil’s main right wing party,<\/span>\u00a0when C\u00e9sar Maia<\/a> switched from the PFL in 2007.<\/span><\/p>\n

Looking forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n

It does not seem that Brazil’s multi-party system will see significant consolidation anytime soon. To the contrary, an additional 12 parties from all ends of the political spectrum are currently awaiting recognition in the Superior Electoral Court. Notable among these is the Brazilian Favela Front Party<\/a> (FFB), set up to launch favela candidates<\/a>\u00a0into political office.<\/p>\n

With Temer and the PMDB ascending to presidential office despite never\u00a0winning the vote of the electorate, the Brazilian people will likely not have the opportunity to make their voices heard until the next election in October 2018.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Clique aqui para Portugu\u00eas When following the news of political tumult coming out of Bras\u00edlia this year, many international observers have likely found themselves struggling to wade through a sea of acronyms. This is because […]<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"author":117,"featured_media":32898,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1668,1288,2242,335,1282,328,1329],"tags":[2234,2240,2213,776,449,140,2239,479,2009,272,595,698,2238,2012,1475,2038,2225,630,2039,2010,1105,598,594,2227,374,2324,2241,2222,671,2215,2217,2040,1616,300],"writer":[1956,2142,2208],"translator":[],"illustrator":[],"photographer":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-32871","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-participationwatch","8":"category-highlight","9":"category-democracy","10":"category-policies","11":"category-research-analysis","12":"category-understanding-rio","13":"category-by-international-observers","14":"tag-2016-mayoral-election","15":"tag-brazilian-favela-front-party","16":"tag-carlos-osorio","17":"tag-cesar-maia","18":"tag-constitution","19":"tag-corruption","20":"tag-dem","21":"tag-democracy","22":"tag-eduardo-cunha","23":"tag-mayor-eduardo-paes","24":"tag-elections","25":"tag-federal-government","26":"tag-fernando-henrique-cardoso","27":"tag-impeachment","28":"tag-leonel-brizola","29":"tag-lula","30":"tag-marcelo-crivella","31":"tag-marcelo-freixo","32":"tag-pmdb","33":"tag-michel-temer","34":"tag-military-dictatorship","35":"tag-municipal-election","36":"tag-participatory-democracy","37":"tag-pedro-paulo-carvalho-teixeira","38":"tag-politics","39":"tag-politics-in-brazil","40":"tag-pp","41":"tag-prb","42":"tag-president-dilma-rousseff","43":"tag-psdb","44":"tag-psol","45":"tag-pt","46":"tag-reference","47":"tag-transparency","48":"writer-ciara-long","49":"writer-eli-nemzer","50":"writer-rodrigo-arantes"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/32871","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/117"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=32871"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/32871\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/32898"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=32871"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=32871"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=32871"},{"taxonomy":"writer","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fwriter&post=32871"},{"taxonomy":"translator","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftranslator&post=32871"},{"taxonomy":"illustrator","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fillustrator&post=32871"},{"taxonomy":"photographer","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fphotographer&post=32871"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}