{"id":35924,"date":"2017-04-13T07:44:26","date_gmt":"2017-04-13T10:44:26","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.rioonwatch.org\/?p=35924"},"modified":"2024-03-14T11:04:55","modified_gmt":"2024-03-14T14:04:55","slug":"the-preschool-to-prison-pipeline-how-race-based-inequalities-in-early-education-shape-incarceration-in-the-us-and-brazil","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rioonwatch.org\/?p=35924","title":{"rendered":"The School-to-Prison Pipeline: Early Education Inequality Shapes Incarceration in US and Brazil"},"content":{"rendered":"

Clique aqui para Portugu\u00eas<\/em><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

In the United States and Brazil, two countries with deep histories of racial injustice<\/a>, disparities in educational opportunities between racial minorities and white populations manifest as early as preschool. The chances of incarceration significantly increase in poor black populations, greatly due to the structures and policies that begin at the start of formal schooling. This pattern has been termed the school-to-prison pipeline<\/a>, and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)\u00a0defines the pipeline as<\/a>\u00a0\u201cthe policies and practices that push our nation\u2019s schoolchildren, especially our most at-risk children, out of classrooms and into the juvenile and criminal justice systems.”<\/h4>\n

For both Brazil and the United States, the pipeline<\/a> starts with inadequate resources directed to\u00a0public schools in stressed\u00a0neighborhoods. Due to a lack of educational opportunities combined with strict and often unfair punishment policies, many black students end up leaving school<\/a> and ultimately engaging in criminal activity. In the United States,\u00a0nearly 1 million black people<\/a> now make up 43% of the country\u2019s 2.3 million incarcerated population. Afro-Brazilians\u00a0make up 61%<\/a> of the 622,200 incarcerated in Brazil.<\/span><\/p>\n

In recent years, jarring statistics reflecting prison rates among black communities have gained increasing attention. But not enough has been done\u00a0to uproot these pa<\/span>tterns that\u00a0manifest\u00a0as early as preschool. And while both countries reflect glaring\u00a0similarities in terms of prison rates and educational disparities, the United States differs from Brazil in terms of structure and relevant public policy. \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Historical Context: The United States<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Inequality of\u00a0opportunity in the United States was born in\u00a0slavery and maintained thereafter. After the American Civil War, Southern states enacted a number of laws to limit civil rights and opportunities for black citizens. These policies, called Jim Crow laws<\/a>, enforced racial segregation and made it impossible for the black population to vote for public office, use public goods and services, and access education. Black and white children were forbidden to study in the same public schools in order to uphold the \u201cseparate but equal\u201d ideology put forth by Southern Democrats at the time. Racial segregation in schools was maintained across the country until the 1954 <\/span>Brown v. Board of Education<\/span><\/i><\/a> Supreme Court decision that determined segregation unequal and ordered public schools to be fully desegregated as soon as possible. However, it was not until the signing of the 1964 Civil Rights Act<\/a> that black citizens gained equal protection under the law and freedom to access the same facilities as white citizens without discrimination.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"Segregation<\/a>
Segregation ended in U.S. courts<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Although 1964 marked a new era ending legal racial discrimination, black residents continued suffering from covertly (and sometimes overtly) racist policies, exacerbating social inequalities. Throughout the 20<\/span>th<\/span> century, banks consistently denied loans to homeowners and would-be homeowners in traditionally black neighborhoods<\/a> through a practice called “redlining<\/a>.” Federal housing agencies determined how fit certain neighborhoods were to receive investment from banks and insurance companies largely based on how close they were to \u201cnegro\u201d neighborhoods; those deemed unfit for investment were shaded in red. Redlining excluded black communities from opportunities for financial growth and mobility, hurting local businesses, public spaces, and neighborhood schools.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"A<\/a>
A Redlined Map of New Orleans<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Current Situation:\u00a0The United States<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In recent decades, social and racial exclusion have manifested in school districting<\/a> as well. In the United States, students normally attend the public schools closest to where they live, and due to economic disparities and previously mentioned historical housing segregation<\/a> policies, classrooms tend to reflect a lack of racial and economic diversity. Making matters worse, public school districts<\/a> with higher percentages of black and racial minority students almost universally receive less funding than schools with higher percentages of white students, independent of the district\u2019s economic background. In the United States, a large part of school funding comes from property taxes, and racial minority families tend to live in poorer neighborhoods. However, \u201cif you color code the districts based on their racial composition you see this very stark breakdown. At any given poverty level, districts that have a higher proportion of white students get substantially higher funding than districts that have more minority students,\u201d\u00a0said data scientist David Mosenkis<\/a>. Unequal funding for certain populations results in a racial achievement gap that puts black and minority students at a huge disadvantage. With less funding comes lower quality teachers and fewer resources to provide students with the tools they need to succeed.<\/p>\n